So Who Cares What Gorbachev Thinks?
Should we be concerned what an aging, communist dictator thinks about the role the U.S. plays in the world today? After all, his track record as a Soviet leader caused the disintegration of the nation he was leading? Not a good resume item for establishing your credibility about leadership. Nevertheless, in the remote chance that his perspective might illuminate problems the United States faces today, one might want to consult the reports in the Washington Post here, here, here, and here.
Indeed, arguably it is a requirement of rationality to take seriously and in good faith the judgments of one’s opponents. George W. Bush simply cannot understand this requirement. Accordingly, if America is ever to
resurrect this requirement in government. A president, of course, must have his advisers. But if these advisers are true to their calling, they should provide rigorous criticism of the presidents opinions. Perhaps, even more important, the president must not be insulated from unsympathetic criticism. Rather he or she should be compelled to rebut such criticism. And if the present cannot do so, but persists in folly nevertheless, then the people should act to counter his or her indefensible policies, especially when it comes to war and the Unnited States’ standing in the international community. recover from Bush-Cheney assaults on republican democracy, is to
Why isn’t JFK’s remark–”Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate”–the principle to follow in the Clinton-Obama controversy. JFK’s slogan surely implies that the rule should be to negotiate and that this rule should generally trump any reservations about negotiating in any given case. Accordingly, while some pre-conditions to negotiating may be appropriate, they must be minimal. Maximal pre-conditions giving one party a virtual victory prior to the negotiations are inappropriate. Requiring some expression of good faith is appropriate with the Iranians, for instance, but not their commitment to shutting down their nuclear research in advance. The latter is not a pre-condition, but an end-game. No member of the international community is likely to agree to that sort of pre-condition because it means giving up what might be the subject of negotiations before the negotiations even begin. Sure, JFK’s imperative doesn’t resolve every controversy over when to negotiate. But it surely sets up a pragmatic framework that provides guidance. For instance, Mr. Bush’s intransigence about talking to Iran until Iran gives up its nuclear research as a pre-condition of negotiation is clearly unreasonable. It seems to clearly violate the rule to negotiate. Indeed, it seems clear that Mr. Bush does not intend to negotiate because negotiation means compromise, and compromise is something Mr. Bush does not understand.
whether Gonzales should go: “Why does Gonzales stick around continuing to embarrass himself, theJustice Department, and President Bush?
The debate over foreign policy posture and effectiveness between Senators Clinton and Obama is definitely heating up the quest for the Democratic Party’s nomination for president. Senator Clinton refuses to allow herself to be used by brutal dictators for propaganda purposes, while Senator Obama will talk to anyone anywhere. The Senator from Illinois in effect challenges the reluctance to talk to tyrants as part of the old way of conducting foreign policy in Washington. By contrast, Senator Clinton condemns Obama’s policy as naive. Both are right and both are wrong. One doesn’t just run from inaugural parties to dine with Castro or Chavez. A savvy president needs to work his or her way up to a useful diplomatic exchange. Nevertheless, a ponderous set of pre-conditions on the grounds that no president should be used for propaganda purposes by brutal dictators is foolish. Diplomatic conversation should be occurring
on some level at all times. And in critical cases, they should begin at the highest levels. Should it become apparent that one of the party’s is intransigent or not conversing in good faith, then conversations can be curtailed. The problem with the Clinton-Bush approach is that is presupposes an out-of-date diplomatic imperative, namely, never appear to be weak and the willingness to talk makes you look weak. Obama is right to condemn this imperative. There’s always time to break off diplomatic relations. Rather, than presume talking must be a benefit bestowed only tn hose willing to tow the American line, change the presumption. Instead, let’s presume that talking should be always be occurring with the prerogative to stop talking when significant agreement is impossible rather than a presumption that says don’t talk until the bad guys behave a little better. That’s what diplomatic negotiations are all about. Behaving better is the purpose of such talks not their pre-conditions.
People seem perennially inclined to come up with all sorts of new activities. Sometimes the results are devastatingly bad. Sometimes they are good. Moreover often, they are simply curious.
The last person to be believed about the dangers of withdrawing from Iraq is George W. Bush. Whatever he says, even if true, should be immediately suspect for two reasons, or two aspects of the same reason. First, Mr. Bush has willfully lied about the reasons for going to war in the first place, the nature of the conflict, and plans for resolving it. Second, Mr. Bush’s “lies” cannot, in the end be distinguished from the assertions of a seriously delusional–even solipsistic–personality. Nothing Mr. Bush has forcefully insisted upon about Iraq has turned out to be true. Not mushroom clouds, weapons of mass destruction, being greeted as liberators, bringing democracy to Iraq as well as the region, and so forth.
invasion. Now Al-Qaeda in Iraq is a threat, but a threat that should be attacked directly without participating in the civil war which is being fueled by the United States presence. After the U.S. invasion when
The Democrats in Congress are simply disgraceful. They welcomed the support of Cindy Sheehan and other anti-war activists in order to retake control of the House and Senate, but now when asked to put their money where their mouths are, they
Are there specific reasons for impeaching Bush-Cheney? Not according to a post on
If Congress does not impeach, censure, or reprimand Mr. Bush for his incompetent, reckless, and malevolent disservice to the nation, it will deal a blow to the idea of American government as a system of checks and balances comparable to anything Mr. Bush himself has done to eviscerate such a system of government. While Senator Feingold 