Is the Health Care Reform Act a Civil Rights Act?
Should we consider the health care reform act, which President Obama signed into law today to be a civil rights act? There is good reason to do so. Though the Act is far from perfect, it does represent a commitment by Congress to expand access to a fundamental human right. Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well being of himself and his family, including . . . medical care.” Martin Luther King called access to medical care a civil right. Though our Constitution does not include a right to health care (or any other substantive economic rights), it does give Congress the authority to create such rights. And, in a speech after the passage of the Act, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi invoked the Declaration of Independence’s statement that all people are guaranteed a right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Before the vote, Pelosi and other congressional leaders marched through protesters hurling racial epithets, an act that self-consciously harkened back to civil rights demonstrations of the past. The Act falls within the tradition of Congress enforcing the rights of social citizenship – economic rights that are essential preconditions to one’s ability to exercise other civil and political rights.
Strangely, opponents of the Act also think the Health Care Reform Act is a civil rights act, and argue that this is a reason to oppose it. In February, Rush Limbaugh called the Act a “civil rights act,” a “reparations” bill which people should oppose. Last week, Newt Gingrich compared the Act to the 1964 Civil Rights Act, arguing that Obama’s support of the Health Care Reform Act would wreck the Demcratic party like Lyndon Johnson’s support of the 1964 Act did.
How ironic! I have always thought of the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act as one of the great moments in American history. I also thought that as a society we had achieved a consensus that civil rights were a good thing. What could Gingrich possibly mean by his critique? Johnson was re-elected by a landslide in the fall of 1964, and he relied on that mandate to push through the Medicare Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act the next year. When Gingrich says the 1964 Act wrecked the Democratic party, could he be referring to the fact that after passage of the Civil Rights Act, many of the pro-segregationist southern Democrats became Republican, eventually turning the South from a solid Democratic block to the solid Republican block we have today?
If so, why would Gingrich want to remind us of the southern Republican party’s roots in segregationism and racism? It’s hard not to see a connection between Limbaugh and Gingrich’s remarks and the racial slurs hurled by protestors against the African American and Latino members of Congress on Sunday. Like Congress’ tradition of expanding human rights in acts like the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the Social Security Act and the Medicare Act, there is an equally strong tradition of using race baiting as a tactic in American politics. One of the vestiges of segregation in our society is the racial disparity that still exists in our health care system. If this act helps to remedy this disparity, then it truly is a civil rights act.
This week, I have ahad a taste of what it might be like not to have health insurance for members of my family. Fortunately, my experience did not involve uninsured children, but instead an uninsured dog. My puppy, Owen, just turned 6 months old and he does not have health insurance. Being a risk adverse person, I investigated the insurance options when we got Owen. However, I soon learned that health insurance for dogs is prohibitvely expensive. Even simple catastrophic coverage cost at least $30-40 per month (For those who don’t know, “catastrophic insurance” is insurance that covers only “catastrophically” expensive health care for illness or injury), and regular health insurance coverage for dogs is simply not cost effective.
governable–if by “governable” one means implementing the positions that win elections. The current Health Care Reform crisis is one of many such examples, but there are others also. Indeed, it’s a good test case. If we get a bill will it be one that favors the people or the Health Insurance companies? Four out of five congressional committees reported bills including a public option. One would think a public option is a sure thing. Right? Not necessarily. This fiasco turns off even those citizens who for the first time and who turned out en masse to support a candidate for president. How will this president reward them? Bold, courageous action is required, not politics as usual.
my friend whose husband lost his job about her difficult decision about whether or not to take her son to the doctor for an ear infection since it would cost over $100. I think of my friend who was just diagnosed with cancer. Thank goodness she has health insurance – I can’t bear to think of her having to forego treatment, as so many have who can’t afford it and lack the insurance to pay for it. I think of my friend with the severely disabled daughter who can’t move because after years, she finally got her daughter on state supported health care. I think, maybe relief is finally here for her and the 46 million uninsured in this country.
difficulties few presidents ever faced, failure to keep his promise can be devastating to his presidency. Surely any hope of being a transformative president seems already gone. The forces that have killed universal health care for the past half century will simply be emboldened by another victory. It would be better for the president to serve one term fighting for principle than hanging on to two terms by playing politics. Yet, he might not even succeed at that. The House progressive caucus has threatened not to support such legislation. Failure all around. A bad bill is not better than no bill at all. The president must resist a bill that includes a so-called “triggering” mechanism for a public option if the insurance companies do not control costs is a bad bill. There’s no way to guarantee compliance. It’s simply cosmetic. I sympathize with the president. But consensus-seeking is an inappropriate strategy when one hasn’t a partner in the consensus-seeking enterprise. Standing for principle, committing oneself to health care reform that is fair, cost-efficient, and universal, even if it fails, is better than a self-congratulatory bill that is unfair, doesn’t contain costs, even it covers more Americans. How valuable is a bill that doesn’t preclude rescission of coverage? What kind of coverage is that? Please Mr. President take the high road. Keep your promise to principle. Even if we lose at least we will at least know what we’re fighting for?
t is the case, then I must, most emphatically, object, not only to the phrasing but to the sentiment behind the phrase. There remains a strong progressive tradition in the Democratic party, shared by many members of he general public who dop not affiliate themselves with that party. The progressive tradition was most recently re-affirmed by the election of President Obama (with Ted Kennedy’s crucial support) and his numerous Demcratic colleagues in Congress. It is reaffirmed in the polls that show that despite months of the healthcare industry spending over a million dollars a day to fight health care reform, the American public still strongly supports it, and still demands a change to our health care system. So, let’s put an end to this talk about “the end of an era” and concentrate on what we need now. There’s never an end of the era of need for the poor and middle class folks in this country who demand health care reform.
bipartisanship. The Republicans have no interest in doing so. Defeating Obama is more their taste. It’s now time, it’s now well past time, for President Obama to fashion a Democratic bill, including the public option, if he hopes to have a health care reform bill at all. I admire the President’s attempt at consensus, but consensus cannot be the final end in itself, especially when something as critical as health care reform is concerned. If one has the votes, but lacks a partner, one must act alone, which is unfortunate, but it’s necessary all the same. What we haven’t seen is Obama, the fighter, and as in any political struggle sometimes fighting is all one has. In short, politics is war by other means. Ultimately, Obama will be judged by how well he can wage war over this definining. essential issue.
n safety and making money. Imagine if police departments or fire departments were privatized and unregulated by government. Suppose further they were paid by how many crimes they prevented or criminals they caught. Such private entities would have an enormous incentive to directly or indirectly encourage crime. Similarly, private hospitals make their living from the number of beds they fill. There’s not much incentive to increase wellness just to treat illness. As illness decreases these hospitals lose profits. The analogy is far from complete, but the point nevertheless is this. Absent socialized medicine profit will exist in medicine, but profits for doctors and other health care providers and profit for health care corporations are vastly different entities. It is Wall Street that keeps costs rising and prevents universal care. The public option is a minimal attempt to counteract the devastating effects of shareholders, who must be fed with the health and wealth of the nation, on the health care system. Yet Americans have been so brain-washed against this option that it is unlikely to succeed unless President Obama realizes this is a battle he can’t afford to lose.